AND SO IT BEGINS: The 12 other IPEF countries are Australia, Brunei, India, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam. That list differs from the TPP (now called the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership) by excluding Canada, Mexico, Chile and Peru and including India, Indonesia and the Philippines. Trade ministers will meet in coming weeks to begin thrashing over the details of the pact, with a U.S. goal of finishing in 18 to 24 months. That coincides with plans for the United States to host the annual APEC leaders summit in late 2023. Of the IPEF group, only India is not an APEC member. Read my Morning Trade colleague Steven Overly's article for the full lowdown on how the administration got countries onboard and what comes next. Taiwan left out: Despite an appeal last week from 52 senators that Taiwan be allowed to join the talks, it was left out, presumably because that would anger China and discourage other countries from participating. Administration officials said they plan to pursue a bilateral initiative with Taiwan to deepen economic ties, but did not indicate if that would be the free trade agreement that Taipei has long wanted with the United States. Still some questions: The Commerce Department is leading negotiations on three "pillars" of the proposed agreement: supply chain resilience; infrastructure, clean energy, and decarbonization; and tax and anti-corruption. USTR is spearheading the fourth focused on fair and resilient trade, which includes digital trade, labor, environment, agriculture and other areas. It's still not clear which countries are participating in which modules or whether any portion of the deal will be submitted to Congress for a vote, as would occur with a more traditional free trade agreement. "Let's see where these negotiations take us," U.S. Trade Representative Katherine Tai said during a call with reporters on Sunday. No tariffs on the table: Administration officials defended the administration's decision not to include tariff cuts as part of the discussion, noting that the U.S. trade-weighted average tariff is already a low 2.4 percent so it has little more to give in that area. That figure measures the value of tariff revenue divided by total goods imports. It's somewhat skewed because the higher the tariff on a good, the less likely it is to be imported. According to WTO data, 2.7 percent of applied U.S. tariffs are higher than 15 percent and some tariffs on sensitive products are as high as 350 percent. The United States has traditionally used those peak tariffs in areas such as clothing, automotive, ceramics, glass and agriculture as negotiating leverage to get commitments from other countries to open their markets and agree to U.S. rules in areas like labor and intellectual property. Many IPEF countries have much higher tariffs than the United States. According to the WTO, nearly 30 percent of India's applied tariffs are higher than 15 percent. The same is true for 24 percent of Vietnam's applied tariffs, 22 percent of Thailand's applied tariffs, 13 percent of Malaysia's applied tariffs and 10 percent of Indonesia's applied tariffs. Cuz it's not the TPP: Tai doubled down on the argument that IPEF would deliver an economic impact even without lowering tariffs. Plus, the failure of the Obama administration to get the TPP through Congress (as well as Trump's decision to drop it altogether) was a clear sign that trade deals must change, she added. "With respect to TPP, I think that the biggest problem with it was that we did not have the support at home to get it through," Tai said. "I think that there's a very, very strong lesson there that TPP, as it was envisioned, ultimately, was something that was quite fragile, and that the United States was not able to deliver on." More on the trade pillar: Tai's portion of the negotiations will seek to tackle some of the most consequential, and perhaps most divisive, topics on the IPEF agenda. Those include digital regulation, corporate accountability, labor standards and environmental protections. On digital, Tai said, the framework will look to established standards on data privacy and data flows, as well as online discrimination and the unethical use of artificial intelligence. USTR negotiators will also "pursue an accelerated implementation" of the World Trade Organization's trade facilitation agreement, and promote transparent, science-based regulations of agricultural products. "Collectively, the trade pillar will unlock enormous economic value, including for small- and medium-sized businesses that historically have not benefited from trade agreements as much as their large counterparts have," she said.
|
Comments
Post a Comment