Want to receive this newsletter every weekday? Subscribe to POLITICO Pro. You'll also receive daily policy news and other intelligence you need to act on the day's biggest stories. SO NOW WHAT? Lawmakers will be back in business at the Capitol this week, and there will be plenty of eyes looking to see how close those talks between Manchin and Schumer are to bearing fruit — or perhaps falling apart. The other 48 Democratic senators have taken a very hands-off approach to the negotiations between Manchin and Schumer, so you'd have to figure the other two would need to fill them in at some point if they are nearing an agreement. All of which underscores the point: There is a lot of chatter, both on and off K Street, about the current tenor of those Manchin-Schumer talks and what a final agreement might look like, if it is to be struck. But because such a small group is taking part in these discussions, it might be even harder than usual for lobbyists or anyone else who really wants to know to get a good grasp on what's happening. Case in point: Ben Koltun of Beacon Policy Advisors tweeted over the weekend that one "supposed deal" making the rounds on K Street was actually a chart he had made and circulated back in March. (Weekly Tax is among those who have seen that chart come across their inboxes in recent days.) So what are some of the big questions left out there? One would certainly be the size of any package, should it actually materialize. The Washington Post's Jeff Stein and Tyler Pager pointed out over the weekend that any such agreement would be much smaller than what was under discussion last year, as they dissected the fallout after talks between Manchin and President Joe Biden fell apart. A key nugget in there: Manchin has asked the Penn Wharton budget modelers to look at a roughly $1 trillion package focused on energy and deficit reduction. (Which begs another question: Might Democrats not be able to extend the expanded Obamacare tax credits that they put into place last year. If not, millions of people will see their health care premiums jump, and would likely learn about that right before this fall's midterms.) One final point, for now: Whether or not Democrats can get some skinnier version of the BBB, and what might actually make the cut in that potential agreement, could easily have ripple effects on a variety of tax policies. Take the effort from the business community to bring back immediate expensing for research costs, something that went away starting this year. The House's broader version of BBB last year would have pushed back the current requirement that companies write off those research costs over at least five years, and there has been some discussion about whether a narrower version might also restore those immediate deductions. Meanwhile, a bipartisan group of supporters have been trying to get immediate expensing for research costs into a China competition bill that is currently being negotiated, though the latest chatter from on and off the Hill suggests that might be difficult to pull off. If rolling back research amortization doesn't make either of those measures, it could be on the table in a possible year-end tax deal that could come together after the November elections. But some key Democrats have said they'd have trouble giving the green light to that kind of tax cut for businesses, given that they were unable to extend the expanded version of the Child Tax Credit that went into effect last year. Might those Democrats approach a year-end negotiation differently if the party pushed even a more modest fiscal bill through budget reconciliation? Seems possible, though other factors — like the November results — will matter a lot, too. In other words, there are still a lot of moving pieces for all the various tax policies still in play this year.
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