In the days after journalist Jamal Khashoggi was killed by a Saudi hit squad, your host ran into a Republican senator at the airport on my way to — this is true, do not judge, it was glorious — Disney World. I ditched my travel partner to huddle with the lawmaker, pressing him on the Khashoggi case. The growing fury in Congress over the killing was largely directed at the man suspected of ordering it, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. It also was notably bipartisan at a time when few issues united America's political parties. The senator didn't mince words. The crown prince was in his 30s and not even officially in charge of Saudi Arabia yet, but he already had quite the rap sheet. He'd pursued a disastrous war in Yemen, briefly abducted the prime minister of Lebanon and imprisoned a bunch of his fellow royals and elites in a hotel shakedown . Then, there was Khashoggi. Democrats and Republicans were worried about the path the prince had chosen. "He's gonna be around for 50 years," the senator said. "We need to know if he's another Saddam." President Joe Biden heads to Saudi Arabia this week, where he will meet Saudi King Salman and his son, the de facto ruler of the kingdom. It's part of a Middle East swing that will first take Biden to Israel and the West Bank. Hello, everyone! This is Nahal Toosi, senior foreign affairs correspondent at POLITICO, filling in for the dazzling Ryan Heath while he enjoys a break. It's been a while. Did you miss me? I've been asking critics and defenders of the Saudi crown prince, known as MBS, their take on his mindset. Has MBS learned lessons from the intense Western backlash over the Khashoggi killing? Is he truly an economic and social reformer who can shake up his country's establishment in a beneficial way? Or is he still hasty and prone to overreach? (Others prefer words like "psychopath.") To put it another way: Is he someone other world leaders can trust? Here are a few takeaways from the conversations: — Few people want to engage in psychiatric evaluations of MBS, but there is a sense that his limited exposure to the world outside Saudi Arabia hobbles his judgment. While many Middle Eastern elites get a significant amount of schooling in the United States, Britain or other Western countries, MBS stayed in Saudi Arabia, including for university. Some analysts say this makes him less attuned to Western ways of thinking. Now, to be clear, getting a Western education is no guarantee of good decision-making, but it can help a foreign leader have a better sense of how people in the United States or elsewhere will react in various situations. In the days after Khashoggi's murder, which Saudi Arabia initially denied, MBS reportedly couldn't understand the criticism. Why the outrage, he's reported to have asked Trump administration officials. Not only did MBS remain largely in Saudi Arabia, he also was a wealthy royal surrounded by yes-men. "He was raised in a world with no consequences," a former U.S. official familiar with the Middle East said. "As a kid, you could probably murder one of your household help, and it wouldn't be a problem." — But his upbringing also suggests that he is more aware of what his people, especially Saudi youth, want from their lives — a sensitivity that is translating into wins in the fight against religious extremism. When it comes to running the government, MBS is dictator-minded. Ask the many political activists languishing in Saudi prisons, if you can reach them. But socially and culturally, he's a breath of fresh air for Saudi youth as well as a world desperate to end the Saudi export of Islamist extremism. Thanks to reforms MBS has pushed through, Saudis have more freedom now, including women being permitted to drive. The once-feared religious police have been marginalized. The kingdom also is continuing its crackdown on funders of extremist mosques and schools overseas, and MBS is championing positive economic changes. "He is focused on enabling Saudis to enjoy themselves at home and making the kingdom a destination for foreign tourists," said a former U.S. official who maintains close contact with senior Saudis. "Riyadh is now the entertainment capital of the Middle East." The young prince "has taken on so many pillars of the establishment in Saudi Arabia it demonstrated they were not nearly as inviolate as people had assumed," added Jon Alterman, an analyst with the Center for Strategic and International Studies. "It suggests he understands the society in which he's operating." — It's probably too late to shape his personality, but MBS appears to be more respectful of process now, and that bodes well for future-decision making. The prince has denied ordering Khashoggi's killing, but he's taken responsibility for it because it happened on his watch. In recent years, he's greenlit efforts to wind down the war in Yemen, repair a diplomatic rift with Qatar and release some political prisoners. He remains an impatient man, but he's come to value the need for thoroughly weighing the decisions he faces. "His decision making relies heavily on ministers and staff who understand that they must do their homework on any proposal that touches his desk. Projects unroll more slowly, but they are usually well organized," the former U.S. official with close Saudi ties said. While a few years ago, most of what I heard from officials and analysts was a deep aversion to engaging the crown prince, today I'm more likely to hear from that same crowd that even if the United States cannot shape his personality, it has to at least try to influence his decisions, and that sometimes requires a U.S. president to meet with him.
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