Want to receive this newsletter every weekday? Subscribe to POLITICO Pro. You’ll also receive daily policy news and other intelligence you need to act on the day’s biggest stories. HEART OF THE ISSUE: Even though Republicans have concerns about the costs of the expanded Child Tax Credit and its refundability feature (in which taxpayers with no liability can still get the full benefit by receiving a check from the IRS), the dispute over arguably boils down to this: Despite a slew of studies suggesting that the family relief did not disincentivize work, Republicans just aren’t buying it. That’s partly because GOP lawmakers say there was so much going on in the pandemic economy that it’s difficult to determine to what extent the expanded CTC actually affected work. And then there’s a paper frequently cited by Republicans that was co-written by Kevin Corinth, a senior fellow at the right-leaning American Enterprise Institute, finding that the expanded credit has marginal effects on work that would reduce employment by 1.5 million people — which Corinth and the other authors assert would in turn diminish the poverty-slashing effects of the program. According to the paper, that’s because the pandemic-era CTC not only expanded the credit amount and made it fully refundable, but also eliminated a requirement that parents make a certain amount of income ($2,500) to qualify for some relief, as well as phase-in effect in which parents can claim more and more of the credit as they earn more. (As a side note, Bennet fiercely contests this claim, saying critics live in “imaginary worlds” if they think, for instance, that a working parent making $2,000 a month would quit their job if they start receiving an additional $250 per month from the CTC). That’s all to say that several Republicans like Johnson and Smith have in fact indicated they are on board with finding a way to further alleviate child poverty, but Democrats will likely need to address the GOP's concerns about the credit’s marginal effects on work to get to a bipartisan solution. “If we lay a plan on the table, we’ll just be attacked,” said Johnson on an alternative approach to negotiations. “There are just some basic truths or basic realities that we need to get on the table.” THE STATE OF R&D: Meanwhile, the very same day as the subcommittee hearing House Ways and Means members Ron Estes (R-Kan.) and John Larson (D-Conn.) participated in a conference hosted by the Information Technology Industry Council to discuss legislation that would restore immediate deductions for research and development expenses. The lawmakers clearly see reversing the five-year spreading-out of the costs enacted by the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act as imperative to not only retaining jobs in innovative industries, but also countering China’s rise as a global superpower and its efforts to surpass the U.S. in technological capabilities. Noting how China provides its companies a “super deduction” for their research and development activities, for instance, Larson said, "China doesn’t have a democracy. They are very authoritarian, and they are setting a path and a tone to surpass the United States.” THINGS GET SALTY: As our Sarah Ferris and your Weekly Tax author report in a new article out this morning, the GOP tax package spearheaded by Smith has a SALT problem, which looks to be impeding efforts by the leadership and the Ways and Means Committee to get a floor vote on the legislation by August recess. Specifically, we have several Republican members of the SALT caucus saying they won’t support the bill without some sort of state and local tax relief. That could pose a problem for Speaker Kevin McCarthy, operating as he is with a slim five-member majority. And here’s some more granular detail for our tax wonk readers: Members of the SALT caucus aren’t united behind a single plan for negotiating the relief, but rather seem open to a range of proposals that involve lifting the cap by certain amounts and even placing income limits on who can qualify. That especially makes sense, if you think about it, given that the GOP tax package includes plans led by SALT member Michelle Steel (R-Calif.) to again boost the standard deduction for all taxpayers. For instance, according to Joint Committee on Taxation analyses of the TCJA, that law’s increase in the standard deduction resulted in the most dollar benefits to the middle- and upper- income brackets, while analyses of a repeal of the SALT cap, including one conducted by the Tax Foundation, indicate that the policy would primarily help the top 10 percent of earners. That may help explain why SALT caucus member Rep. Nicole Malliotakis (R-N.Y.) — whose congressional district of southern Brooklyn and Staten Island has a median income of $76,805, according to Census data, and is relatively lower income compared to the districts of other SALTers — seems to have been at least partly swayed by the standard deduction proposal. Meanwhile, members like Rep. Andrew Garbarino (R-N.Y.)., who represents one of the wealthiest districts in the country, have taken more hardline views against the lack of SALT relief in Republicans’ marquee tax package.
|
Comments
Post a Comment