Welcome to POLITICO’s West Wing Playbook, your guide to the people and power centers in the Biden administration. With help from Allie Bice. Send tips | Subscribe here| Email Eli | Email Lauren No one believes there will be any legislative response to the school shooting at a Christian elementary school in Nashville this week. But as Democrats work through their frustrations, a vintage approach to the gun policy debate is getting a fresh look. Instead of just pressing for new gun legislation, the thinking goes, place that push as a component of a larger tough-on-crime initiative. “If you want to be where the American people are, you’re tough and reasonable on crime,” said JIM KESSLER, a longtime gun control advocate and the executive vice president for policy at centrist Democratic think tank Third Way. “There are police abuses to deal with but also crime to be dealt with. Then you make guns a part of it. What you can’t do is substitute in guns and say that solves the crime problem.” If the approach has a heavy whiff of Clinton-era triangulation, that’s because former President BILL CLINTON successfully deployed it. The 1994 crime bill included various measures to enhance public safety: from violence prevention programs, to funding for cops and prisons, to the creation of the Violence Against Women Act. It also included the assault weapons ban, which sunset in 2004 and is now among the most public elements of President JOE BIDEN’s current gun control push. The White House reiterated its call for an assault weapons ban after the Nashville shooting. But even Biden aides privately concede it won’t pass, at least any time soon. Nor is there any sense that a modern day version of a ’94-like crime bill will move. Many Democrats look back at that bill with regret, arguing that it led to over-incarceration and failed to properly anticipate the downsides of tough sentencing laws and excessive-policing. A House under Republican control, meanwhile, has no appetite to consider new gun laws even if they come with big policy concessions. “I don’t think we’re there yet,” said Kessler. “This is one of those issues where you want the cooler heads to prevail and it’s so easy to demagogue.” But Kessler and others — including those on the progressive spectrum of gun control advocacy — do see a larger political benefit to talking about gun laws under the umbrella of crime reduction. “I would argue that we have a rising crime problem because lawmakers are pursuing policies for criminals to obtain firearms,” said IGOR VOLSKY, the director of Guns Down America. “I would talk about crime through that prism.” The White House has largely adopted this approach, too. The president’s Safer America Plan includes police funding, crime and violence prevention programing, and expanded background checks alongside an assault weapons ban. It remains unpassed. Before that, however, Biden shepherded modest enhancements of background checks during the last Congress and has repeatedly urged states to use the American Rescue Plan to fund police and expand community violence intervention programs. "I might reject the term triangulation,” said a senior administration official. “However, it has been our strategy since Day 1, which is to talk about gun violence as one of the top threats to public safety and one of the top drivers of crime.” In the wake of the Nashville shooting, the main thrust of the White House’s focus has been on calling out Republicans for refusing to move on guns. “That's unacceptable,” said press secretary KARINE JEAN-PIERRE. “That's our response. It's unacceptable that Republicans are saying that there's nothing that we can do.” That’s also been echoed by Hill Democrats, who appear to be devising ways to force votes on new gun laws even without control of the House. It’s a reflection of the Democratic Party’s larger conviction that gun control isn’t just morally right but politically advantageous. But Biden also has been fairly clear — in explicit and subtle ways — that he believes his party needs to be more responsive to voter concerns about crime. And if there is ever a lawmaker keen on merging the two components (guns and crime) together, it’s him. He was among the chief congressional architects of the 1994 crime bill. “You see it in our talking points that police don’t want to be outgunned in our streets,” said the senior administration official. “The core of an anti-crime strategy is fighting gun violence.” MESSAGE US — Are you BILL CLINTON? We want to hear from you. And we’ll keep you anonymous! Email us at westwingtips@politico.com. Did someone forward this email to you? Subscribe here!
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