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Down to the wire at the SEC

A newsletter from POLITICO for leaders building a sustainable future.
Feb 27, 2024 View in browser
 
The Long Game header

By Jordan Wolman

With help from Declan Harty

THE BIG IDEA

SEC Chair Gary Gensler testifies.

SEC Chair Gary Gensler is getting ready to release a long-awaited final climate risk disclosure rule. | Jacquelyn Martin/AP

SCALING BACK — The U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission looks to be nearing the finish line in its nearly two-year struggle to finalize its landmark climate risk disclosure rule, but the closer we get, the more it looks like the end product will significantly differ from the initial proposal and be displeasing to nearly everyone.

The latest draft of the eagerly-awaited rule drops a requirement that public companies disclose so-called Scope 3 emissions, indirect output from their suppliers and customers, said a person familiar with the matter who was granted anonymity to discuss non-public information. Importantly, that change would free the financial sector from having to report on the emissions from the fossil fuel projects they finance.

The person said the final rule is also likely to ease proposed reporting requirements for Scope 1 and Scope 2 emissions generated directly from a company’s operations as well as its energy usage, Declan Harty and your host reported late Friday. The person added that the SEC has hinted that the disclosures could be tied to materiality, or how important the information would be to the company’s investors.

If finalized, the scaled-back rule would represent a major victory for business groups like the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the American Farm Bureau Federation, which have forcefully opposed the rule and questioned the agency’s legal authority to compel these sorts of disclosures. And it would be bound to light a fire under progressives who have targeted the rule as crucial for their climate agenda.

The revelations around Scopes 1 and 2 in particular signal the lengths to which SEC Chair Gary Gensler may be willing to go to bolster the rule against legal challenges from business groups. A big question is whether such changes would be enough to head off the legal threats, given the ferocity of the opposition and the Chamber’s lawsuit over the California disclosure laws enacted last year.

The prospective changes would please the Farm Bureau, which joined the Chamber’s California lawsuit last month. Travis Cushman, the Farm Bureau’s deputy general counsel for litigation and public policy, said the group “would have no opposition to a final rule that removes Scope 3.”

If finalized, the changes also would put the SEC out of step with an evolving global climate disclosure landscape. The California laws, European standards and rules from the International Sustainability Standards Board all require disclosure of a company’s full carbon footprint, including Scope 3 emissions.

Gensler has cast doubt on the ability to reliably and accurately calculate Scope 3 emissions from a company’s vast value chain, and moderate Democrats like Sen. Jon Tester of Montana have expressed concern about the potential to impose onerous reporting requirements on small farmers.

Even groups that have supported a more far-reaching SEC rule are reluctantly accepting the demise of Scope 3 reporting requirements for emissions, which can account for more than 70 percent of a company’s emissions, according to Deloitte.

“On Scope 3, while we want it to be in there, we understand it may not be because of the hyper-partisan environment,” said Steven Rothstein, managing director of the Ceres Accelerator for Sustainable Capital Markets, a sustainability nonprofit that counts large corporations in its network. “We have relayed that to the SEC.”

A coalition of groups including the Sierra Club, AFL-CIO, Americans for Financial Reform, Trillium Asset Management, the U.S. Public Interest Research Group and a slew of others have met with the three Democratic commissioners in recent days, according to a participant in the meetings who was granted anonymity to discuss the private sessions. The person said the groups reiterated the importance of the rule and the agency's authority to finalize the mandatory emissions disclosure requirements, but that the commissioners indicated the rule is likely to be weakened.

WASHINGTON WATCH

APPEALING ENERGY — The appeals board for a key building code standard-setter heard challenges from industry groups last week in what has turned into a proxy battle over electrification and decarbonization standards for homes and buildings.

The American Gas Association and other groups representing the air conditioning and heating industry, building owners and multifamily housing are challenging provisions in the 2024 model building codes proposed by the International Codes Council, we reported last week.

Energy efficiency advocates objected to the appeals of provisions related to electric vehicle charging infrastructure and heat pumps — and got Tesla to back a letter urging Energy Secretary Jennifer Granholm to get involved in the fight. DOE declined to comment. Both sides are claiming procedural faults in the ICC’s process, and the American Council for an Energy-Efficient Economy is among the groups threatening to walk away from the standard-setting process if the industry challenges are successful.

Both Michael Waite, ACEEE’s director of codes and building standards, and AGA general counsel Michael Murray said in separate interviews that it was difficult to judge which way the four-member appeals board is leaning. The panel’s decision could help determine how quickly new and retrofitted homes and buildings can transition away from fossil fuels, Waite said.

AROUND THE NATION

UPPING THE ANTI-  — West Virginia is putting Citibank, TD Bank, HSBC and three other banks on notice that they could be barred from receiving state contracts as part of a continuing attack on environmental, social and governance policies, your host reports.

State Treasurer Riley Moore, who is also running for a U.S. House seat, said his office has determined that the firms are refusing or limiting involvement with coal, oil and gas companies “without a reasonable business purpose,” according to a copy of the letters shared with POLITICO. The move expands the ESG backlash that Moore helped initiate when he created the nation’s first fossil fuel boycott list in 2022, targeting financial giants including BlackRock, JP Morgan Chase and Wells Fargo.

An HSBC spokesperson pointed to the bank’s net-zero transition plan and said in an email that it will "continue to provide corporate lending and capital markets transaction support to energy-based customers that take an active role in the energy transition."

Citibank declined to comment. All of the companies on West Virginia's original list pushed back against the state’s claims, citing significant investments in both fossil fuel and clean energy projects and related infrastructure.

BMO Bank, Fifth Third Bank and Northern Trust are the three lenders added alongside Citi, TD Bank and HSBC. All six were given 30 days to respond to Moore’s claims.

YOU TELL US

GAME ON — Welcome to the Long Game, where we tell you about the latest on efforts to shape our future. Join us every Tuesday as we keep you in the loop on the world of sustainability.

Team Sustainability is editor Greg Mott and reporters Jordan Wolman and Allison Prang. Reach us all at gmott@politico.com, jwolman@politico.com and aprang@politico.com.

Sign up for the Long Game. It's free!

WHAT WE'RE CLICKING

— The New Yorker has a fascinating, if slightly scary, look at the potential impact of a severe solar storm.

— The artificial intelligence boom is sparking concern over the amount of water needed to cool down data centers, the Financial Times reports.

— Our POLITICO colleagues across the Atlantic have offered a handy guide to the climate policy divisions that are roiling Europe.

 

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