Hi, China Watchers. This week we track U.S. efforts to reverse China's Pacific islands diplomatic advance, quiz the president of Radio Free Asia on its China programming and kick the tires on President Xi Jinping's enigmatic "Global Security Initiative." We'll also examine Chinese censorship of Shanghai's "zero-Covid" lockdown and present a first-person account of the rocky road to making it big in Chinese vegetables. Got a book to recommend? Tell me about it at pkine@politico.com. Let's get to it. — Phelim The Biden administration is scrambling to block China from leveraging its new security pact with Solomon Islands to build a military base in the Pacific island nation. "We have respect for the Solomon Islands' sovereignty, but we also wanted to let them know that if steps were taken [by China] to establish a de facto permanent military presence, power projection capabilities or a military installation, then we would have significant concerns and we would very naturally respond to those concerns," DANIEL KRITENBRINK, assistant secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, told reporters Monday. Kritenbrink declined to provide details on a possible U.S. response. But the Biden administration's options are a mix of carrots and sticks: limited to financial incentives to prod the Solomon Islands back into the U.S. security orbit or periodic U.S. naval deployments in waters around the country to deter Chinese military ambitions with an implicit threat of force. Either option would mark a heightening of efforts by the U.S. and regional allies Australia, New Zealand and Japan — which climaxed with last week's visit to the region by Kritenbrink and KURT CAMPBELL, the National Security Council's Indo-Pacific coordinator — to abort any move by China to use a Solomon Islands foothold to challenge the region's geostrategic status quo. But rolling back Chinese strategic inroads will require the administration to balance rhetoric about the consequences of Pacific island countries' China ties with renewed engagement in a region where the U.S. and its allies are viewed as being in retreat amid a relentless Chinese diplomatic advance. "You can't make up for years of neglect with a few high-level visits and expect everything to work out fine, so [U.S.] levers of affecting the Solomons' decision are pretty limited unless you want to be punitive — which doesn't make a lot of sense — or occasional [U.S. Navy] sailings through the area, " said MICHAEL AUSLIN , research fellow in contemporary Asia at the Hoover Institution. "But if the Solomons are as strategically important as is being made out in Washington, then increase your bid — offer them more than the Chinese are offering them, offer them more development assistance, offer them whatever they want." Solomon Islands' Prime Minister MANASSEH SOGAVARE has insisted that the agreement, which neither he nor the Chinese have publicly disclosed, is strictly designed to "protect all people, their property and critical national infrastructures." That lack of transparency worries the Biden administration. "It's clear that only a handful of people in a very small circle have seen this agreement, and the prime minister himself has been quoted publicly as saying he would only share the details with China's permission, which I think is a source of concern as well," said Kritenbrink. Diplomatic carrots: Meanwhile, U.S. bids to pry the Solomon Islands from its China embrace are already rolling in. Secretary of State ANTONY BLINKEN signaled a ramp-up in U.S. engagement with Solomon Islands by announcing in February the planned reopening of the U.S. embassy in the nation's capital, Honiara, that the Clinton administration closed in 1993. And on Friday, the Biden administration said it will deepen ties with the country through a bilateral "high-level strategic dialogue" that will tackle issues, including "economic and social development, public health, and finance and debt." That surge of promised U.S. largesse may be exactly what Sogavare was after. "There's a domestic aspect to this story … where you have the opposition leader and the incumbent leader play the China card so that they can get attention and have investments come to them from other places," said LINA BENABDALLAH, assistant professor of politics and international affairs at Wake Forest University. Here comes Japan: Solomon Islands is likely to get enticements from SHINGO MIYAKE, Japan's parliamentary vice-minister for foreign affairs, who will visit later this month. Japanese Foreign Minister YOSHIMASA HAYASHI will follow that trip next month with a visit to Solomon Islands' neighbors Palau and Fiji. "Western allies know, or should know, that they can't keep a regional power like China out of the Pacific altogether," said RICHARD MCGREGOR, senior fellow for East Asia at Australia's Lowy Institute. McGregor said allies will try to delay and minimize China's presence as much as they can, as well as focus attention on its tactics of winning over national leaders — as they have in the Solomons — through loans and other means. "The key to doing that is not just outside pressure — that can backfire — but persuading regional states, like Fiji and Papua New Guinea, to push back against China as well," he said. Oz plays bad cop: Australian Prime Minister SCOTT MORRISON opted for the outside pressure tactic, declaring Saturday that any Chinese attempt to establish a military base in Solomon Islands would constitute a geostrategic "red line." That red line may be in sight. Australia's Home Affairs Minister KAREN ANDREWS warned Wednesday that it was "very likely" that China would seek to position troops in the Solomon Islands within a year. That rhetoric spurred a sharp Chinese response. "Island countries in the South Pacific are independent and sovereign states, not a backyard of the U.S. or Australia," said Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson WANG WENBIN on Monday. "Their attempt to revive the Monroe Doctrine in the South Pacific region will get no support and lead to nowhere." Wherever it leads, it's clear that China's security pact with Solomon Islands has decisively ended U.S. diplomatic neglect of the Pacific island countries. "I would suspect we will see greater U.S. focus and attention on this part of the world than has been the case in a very long time," said M. TAYLOR FRAVEL , director of the Security Studies Program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "The U.S. is not necessarily playing a weak hand in the South Pacific, but I think the big takeaway here is it can't take it for granted and can't assume that it can be absent and its interests as it sees them will be protected." RFA CASH INJECTION FUELS CHINA COVERAGE EXPANSION Radio Free Asia is back. The U.S. government-funded broadcaster that beams local language news to populations living under authoritarian rule across Asia reaped a 30 percent budget increase to $62.6 million this year. RFA's mission is to deliver "uncensored, domestic news and information" to countries, including China, Tibet, North Korea, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Burma. China Watcher talked to RFA President BAY FANG about its China-focused reporting, funding boost and Trump-era turmoil. We've edited the conversation below for length and clarity. What is RFA's value-add in a crowded China-focused media environment? Fang: We reach out directly in Korean to the North Koreans and [to China] in Mandarin, Cantonese, Tibetan and Uyghur. Mainstream media like The New York Times, The [Washington] Post and POLITICO will pick up on the stories that we're doing almost as primary source material, because we have these Uyghur reporters who are making 100 calls a night to local police stations [in Xinjiang], getting tips and doing very basic shoe-leather kind of reporting. That's sort of our super power. Because as hard as it is to get through [to Chinese sources], because we already have this relationship and this reputation, [sources] keep trying to reach us and that's a big part of how we get our news. How will that $14.7 million budget boost improve your programming? Fang: We're increasing our investigative capabilities in our Uyghur service and all other Chinese services. Simultaneously, we're [countering] China's increased media influence in the Chinese language worldwide. Purdue University did this study a few years ago of foreign students in the U.S. and the Chinese student population was the only population that actually got more anti-U.S. and more pro-China the longer they stayed in the U.S. — because all of their media is from Chinese social media like Weibo and WeChat. So, one of the things we're doing is starting this fact-check unit that is going to map Chinese influence in Chinese [language media] worldwide, including on social media. The third prong [focuses on] Chinese media influence in countries in Southeast Asia in their languages. The idea is to basically [report] in these third languages [to] counter Chinese influence. RFA will [also] be expanding efforts to cover Pacific islands like the Solomons. One of the arguments [for funding RFA] that really resonated on the Hill was the amount of money that China is putting into its media influence around the world, upwards of like$1.3 billion a year. Has RFA recovered from its Trump-era turmoil? FANG: The Trump appointee [to the U.S. Agency for Global Media], MICHAEL PACK, came on in June of 2020. I had just started as [RFA] president in November [2019] while I was on maternity leave, I went back to work in January and then was removed first as president in June and then as executive editor a few weeks later. The idea was just to slash and burn because they didn't even appoint someone to replace me until December of that year. Two days after [Joe Biden's] inauguration, the CEO [of the U.S. Agency for Global Media] who Biden appointed reinstated me. I'm working really hard to just bring the organization to the next level and I think this budget increase really enables us to do a lot of things that we already have a strategy for. TRANSLATING WASHINGTON — YELLEN MOOTS CHINA TARIFF ROLLBACK: Treasury Secretary JANET YELLEN said Friday the Biden administration may lift tariffs on some Chinese imports to ease inflation. " We're reexamining carefully our trade strategy with respect to China," Yellen told Bloomberg TV. "We certainly want to do what we can to address inflation, and there would be some desirable effects." That echoed a call by deputy national security adviser DALEEP SINGH for lifting tariffs on "non-strategic" Chinese imports. The Chinese government hopes sanction cuts prevail. "The early termination of these sanctions will help stop the loss to China-U.S. relations and help enterprises from both countries to seek opportunities for mutually beneficial cooperation," LIU PENGYU, spokesperson for the Chinese Embassy in Washington told reporters Tuesday. — AUSTIN FINALLY REACHES CHINA'S DEFENSE CHIEF: U.S. Defense Secretary LLOYD AUSTIN spoke on the phone last week with his Chinese counterpart, Defense Minister WEI FENGHE. They discussed "defense relations, regional security issues, and Russia's unprovoked invasion of Ukraine," aDoD statement said. A ChineseDefense Ministry readout included demands that the U.S. "stop military provocations at sea and refrain from using the Ukraine issue to smear and sow false evidence against China." Austin had been unsuccessfully pursuing such talks for months as part of his avowed commitment to "stronger crisis communications" with China's military. "More important in the long run is establishing and routinely testing crisis management mechanisms," KARL EIKENBERRY, Army lieutenant general (Ret.) and expert on U.S.-China security relations, told China Watcher. "Trying to do things on the fly after a crisis erupts is fraught with danger." — KERRY: BILATERAL CLIMATE COOPERATION WANING: Biden's climate envoy, JOHN KERRY, warned last week that U.S.-China tensions are harming bilateral cooperation to address the climate crisis. "If climate becomes one of the tools, one of the weapons in the bilateral back and forth, we're cooked, we're in serious trouble," Kerry said at a Washington-based Center for Global Development event.
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