Welcome to POLITICO's West Wing Playbook, your guide to the people and power centers in the Biden administration. With help from Allie Bice. Send tips | Subscribe here | Email Alex | Email Max The day after the Supreme Court kept in place a Texas law effectively banning most abortion services as early as six weeks of pregnancy last December, California Gov. GAVIN NEWSOM unveiled the progressive inverse of that legislation. Whereas the Texas law allowed private citizens to sue to stop abortions — a deliberate work around to try and give the bill constitutional muster — California would use the same mechanism to go after ghost guns and assault weapons. Progressive hailed the Newsom initiative. At worst, it would expose the high court as intellectually bankrupt. At best, it would put in place an aggressive new gun-control scheme that could serve as a template for other Democratic-run states. Half a year later, however, there is no law on the books, and no other state has mimicked California. The legislation, SB-1327, made it through a state Senate committee this week. But legislative aides say it won't receive full floor action until the fall and, should it pass (and it likely will), won't actually go into effect until January. SB-1327 may well end up being the shrewd volley in the culture wars that it was designed to be. But it also has unintentionally revealed how differently the two political parties wage these fights. There is no heightened urgency to pass the bill, even after a mass shooting in the state capitol of Sacramento this month left six people dead and 12 others injured. And California Democrats have exhibited some hand wringing about pursuing the law in the first place. A state Senate Judiciary Committee analysis of the bill warned it could provide legitimacy to the Texas law and "undermine our justice system and the policy of the State of California." By contrast, a number of Republican states have moved with incredible speed to pass restrictive abortion laws in the past few months, with the explicit goal of impacting the jurisprudence around the matter. And it's not just on abortion where GOP lawmakers are pushing the culture war envelops. Legislation going after curriculums and LGBTQ inclusiveness in elementary schools also are being pushed in a variety of statehouses. "Sometimes we suffer from the use of reason as a leadership style. We believe because we have the right side of the argument and the reasonable conclusion and the reasonable argument that people will come to the same conclusion," conceded ANTHONY PORTANTINO, the California state senator pushing SB-1327. "Where we struggle is tying the reasonable, righteous intellectual argument to the emotional reaction of people. That's where we struggle." President JOE BIDEN is not a culture warrior. Indeed, he's often bristled at these fights, including in arguably the highest-profile one in which he's engaged: the 1987 Supreme Court confirmation battle around ROBERT BORK. "If there was an argument to be made against Bork in the Senate, it would have to be made to Republicans and Democrats in the political center," Biden wrote in his 2007 memoir, "Promises to Keep." "If we tried to make this a referendum on abortion rights, for example, we'd lose." But, on occasion, Biden has picked his spots, most notably when as vice president he got out front of BARACK OBAMA in endorsing same-sex marriage before the 2012 election. Recently, he's given indications that he's ready to engage more. At a teachers of the year event Thursday at the White House, Biden chastised "politicians trying to score political points" by going after textbooks on flimsy, if not false, grounds that they push racial indoctrination. "Did you ever think," he asked, "when you'd be teaching you'd be worried about book burnings and banning books all because it doesn't fit somebody's political agenda?" Last week, Biden also called MALLORY McMORROW, the Democratic state senator in Michigan whose pointed denunciation of legislation targeting early-education LGBTQ inclusivity catapulted her into national Democratic stardom. "President Biden is focused every day on addressing what's top of mind for the American people: lowering costs, keeping COVID-19 under control, and making our communities safe from crimes," said White House spokesman MIKE GWIN. "But, he's not going to sit idly by when MAGA Republicans try to use our kids as a political football. It's shameful and the president won't hesitate to call it out." It could very well be that these are one-offs from the president, as issues like inflation, Covid, and the war in Ukraine exert their gravitational pull on the course of the midterms. But there is a strand of the party that believes fuller engagement isn't just morally imperative but politically advantageous, especially as the Supreme Court looks likely to end Roe v. Wade in the weeks ahead. For evidence, there's this: The Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee recently put out a fundraising email addressed by McMorrow. It performed 30 percent better than the next highest fundraising appeal from this year. "That kind of performance is truly astronomical for a state legislative name, which speaks to the impact of the message," said CHRISTINA POLIZZI, the DLCC's national press secretary. "Republicans are artful at using their majorities to hijack these policies. They're good at using these issues to rile up their base. Democrats as a party need to focus on the power of state legislatures." TEXT US — ARE YOU ALLISON ZELMAN, the deputy chief of staff at the Labor Department? We want to hear from you (we'll keep you anonymous). Or if you think we missed something in today's edition, let us know and we may include it tomorrow. Email us at westwingtips@politico.com or text/Signal/Wickr/WhatsApp Alex at 8183240098 or Max at 7143455427.
|
Comments
Post a Comment